Lost in a Gallup

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From The Wall Street Journal:

Griping about polling goes back a long time, even to the days before George Gallup published the first random-sample opinion poll in October 1935—as many years away from us in 2020 as that first poll was from the Compromise of 1850. And truth to tell, it doesn’t seem intuitively obvious that the responses of a randomly chosen group of 800 people should come reasonably close, in 19 cases out of 20, to those you’d get if you could interview everyone in a nation of 209 million adults. Even sharp math students don’t always know much about statistics and probability. So the griping goes on.

Some of it reflects a misunderstanding of what polling is. It’s not prediction: Polls are a snapshot taken at a point in time, not a movie preview of what you’ll see later. That fundamental point is often lost or at least misplaced by W.Joseph Campbell in “Lost in a Gallup: Polling Failure in U.S. Presidential Elections,” an otherwise fast-moving narrative history of some attempts to gauge public opinion amid electoral politics. “Election polls are not always accurate prophecies,” Mr. Campbell writes early on. He notes that “polling failures tend to produce broadly similar effects—surprise, anger, bewilderment and frustration at their failing to provide the American public with accurate clues about the most consequential of all U.S. elections.” Surprise, anger, bewilderment, frustration: This sounds like the response to the result of the 2016 election in the city where Mr. Campbell teaches, Washington (which voted 91% for Hillary Clinton and 4% for Donald Trump).

But Mr. Campbell’s gaze goes far beyond the Beltway and back further in history than the astonishing election night four years ago. He is well aware that the national polls in 2016 were close to the results; the pre-election Real Clear Politics average showed Hillary Clinton ahead by 3.3%, close to her 2.1% plurality in the popular vote. Polls in some states were further off. Still, Nate Silver’s FiveThirtyEight gave Donald Trump a 29% chance of winning, and 29% chances happen about one-third of the time. Mr. Campbell quotes RCP’s Sean Trende saying, rightly, that 2016 “wasn’t a failure of the polls. . . . It was a failure of punditry.”

The subject of “Lost in a Gallup” is not so much election polling as its effects on political journalism. Mr. Campbell, a prolific author and a communications professor at American University, admits up front that he is not concerned with “jargon and the opaque methodological arcana that pollsters and polling experts are keen to invoke.” The book is a history of mistakes and overcompensating for mistakes. Polling pioneers Gallup, Elmo Roper and Alexander Crossley, after bragging how closely the past three elections matched their poll numbers, all showed Thomas Dewey leading Harry Truman in 1948. Having got that wrong, they fudged their results to project a close race in 1952. Wrong again!

. . . .

Mr. Campbell devotes much attention, justifiably, to the 1980 election. For months, polls showed a close race between incumbent Jimmy Carter and elderly (age 69) challenger Ronald Reagan. But when the exit polls—invented by polling innovator Warren Mitofsky, also the inventor of random digit-dialing phone interviewing—showed Reagan well ahead, NBC projected his victory, to almost everyone’s astonishment.

But were the polls actually wrong? The author quotes the Carter and Reagan pollsters, Patrick Caddell and Richard Wirthlin, saying that opinion shifted strongly to Reagan after the candidates’ single debate seven days before the election and after Mr. Carter’s return to Washington the next weekend to tend to the Iran hostage crisis. Both pollsters told me the same thing back in the 1980s. Their story makes sense. Reagan’s “are you better off than you were four years ago?” debate line (stolen, though no one then realized it, from Franklin Roosevelt’s 1934 pre-election fireside chat) worked in his favor, and Mr. Carter’s job rating, buoyed upward all year by his efforts to free the hostages, was liable to collapse when he failed.

Link to the rest at The Wall Street Journal (PG apologizes for the paywall, but hasn’t figured out a way around it.)

7 thoughts on “Lost in a Gallup”

  1. Pollsters are trying to have it both ways. First, they say “this is what we see is happening”, followed by “but it’s not a prediction.” If it’s not a prediction, what IS it – and why would anyone care?

    • Any poll which does not show 100-0 is considered accurate by the pollsters. “99-1 is accurate because I said there was a 1% chance, and that’s what happened.”

  2. I’m more skeptical about polls, especially today.

    Let’s start with the canard of the 2016 election being close to the polls. OK, maybe it was close to the final RCP average, but look a few days before and you get results like Hilary up 9 (10/27, CNBC), up 10 (10/27, USAT), up 11 (10/26, St Leo), and 14 (10/26, AP). Did public opinion really shift that much in a few days or did pollsters adjust? 2020 will give us another look, since the RCP average nationwide is 7.2% Biden today (which is similar to Obama’s 2008 victory – which doesn’t seem credible to me).

    Second, there is significant disagreement between polls. If polling were really scientific, it would be repeatable, instead of varying 10% or more between polls.

    A number of other issues:
    1. Who do you assume is going to vote? Registered voter vs likely voter makes a big difference. If there are a lot of new voters, that can screw up likely voter models. (New registrations can give a clue, but just because you newly register doesn’t mean you’ll vote).
    2. How random and representative is your sample when people don’t answer their phones? (I don’t). Use cell phones (very common) or home phones with area codes that don’t match their location? Or are scared/shy about talking to strangers about politics?
    3. What about shifting electoral demographics? Party demographics had been stable for a long time, but it looks like there are shifting now.

    That’s enough for a start. I think pollsters should start each day with a good dose of humility.

      • Nixon only pretended there was a “silent majority”; cancel culture has *created* one.
        Regardless of who ends up on top after the lawsuits end, that much is clear.
        Makes political polls meaningless.

        • It isn’t entirely cancel culture. Telephone technology is abused to the point where people don’t answer their phones anymore. I know I don’t. This interesting read from the other side of the world partially validates your assertion.

          https://www.smh.com.au/world/north-america/why-the-polls-were-wrong-and-will-never-be-right-again-20201104-p56bf4.html

          “No major commercial polling company is brave enough to reveal its response rate. Rumours are that they’re down to about 3 per cent. That’s a very thin foundation on which to predict a presidential election.’

          • There are whitelist apps for Android phones.
            The only calls that show up are from the contact list.

            As for polls, some people find it amusing to answer polls, but lie.
            More online than via phone but it happens a lot more often than pollsters would be willing to admit.

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